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Return to Armageddon: The United States and the Nuclear Arms by Ronald E. Powaski

By Ronald E. Powaski

Whilst the chilly struggle ended, the realm let loose a collective sigh of reduction because the worry of nuclear disagreement among superpowers seemed to vanish in a single day. As we strategy the hot millennium, besides the fact that, the proliferation of nuclear guns to ever extra belligerent international locations and factions increases alarming new matters in regards to the danger of nuclear war.
In Return to Armageddon, Ronald Powaski assesses the risks that beset us as we input an more and more volatile political international. With the beginning I and II treaties, accomplished by means of George Bush in 1991 and 1993 respectively, and the great try Ban Treaty (CTBT), signed via invoice Clinton in 1996, it appeared as though the nuclear clock were effectively grew to become again to a more secure hour. yet Powaski indicates that there's less cause of optimism than we may well wish to imagine. persevered U.S.-Russian cooperation can not be guaranteed. To make concerns worse, Russia has no longer ratified the beginning II Treaty and the U.S. Senate has didn't approve the CTBT. even perhaps extra ominously, the trouble to avoid the purchase of nuclear guns by means of nonweapon states is threatened by means of nuclear assessments performed by way of India and Pakistan. The nuclear membership is transforming into and its newest contributors are more and more opposed. certainly, it truly is turning into ever tougher to maintain music of the services and fabric had to construct nuclear guns, which just about definitely will locate their method into terrorist hands.
obtainable, authoritative, and provocative, Return to Armageddon offers either a accomplished account of the hands regulate procedure and a startling reappraisal of the nuclear chance that refuses to move away.

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Return to Armageddon: The United States and the Nuclear Arms Race, 1981–1999

Whilst the chilly struggle ended, the area set free a collective sigh of reduction because the worry of nuclear disagreement among superpowers seemed to vanish in a single day. As we strategy the hot millennium, even though, the proliferation of nuclear guns to ever extra belligerent international locations and factions increases alarming new issues concerning the danger of nuclear conflict.

Additional info for Return to Armageddon: The United States and the Nuclear Arms Race, 1981–1999

Example text

But the Soviet proposal was rejected by the Reagan administra­ tion, arguing that the mobile ss-2os stationed beyond the Urals could be moved back to positions in the western part of the Soviet Union in the event of a crisis. Moreover, the proposal would have precluded the deployment of any Pershing n and Tomahawk missiles, which were designed to counter the ss-2os. Nevertheless, the administration was under considerable pressure from the allies to pursue both aspects of the dual-track plan, that is, negotia­ tions to reduce INF on the continent as well as deployment of the Pershing II and Tomahawk missiles.

Consequently, on November 5 Moscow sent messages to its KGB residencies across Europe emphasizing the need for heightened surveillance. S. S. troops had been placed on alert. Moscow immediately sent out flash telegrams from November 8-9 to KGB agents in Western Europe, warn­ ing them that American military bases were on a state of increased alert. Moscow warned that Able Archer 83 might be camouflaging Western prepa­ rations for a nuclear strike on the Soviet Union. At this point, the Soviet leadership faced a critical decision.

Missiles. , INF was responsible for the increasing pres­ sure from the NATO allies to pursue the other track of the dual-track approach approved in 1979, that is, conducting negotiations with the Soviets for the purpose of eliminating intermediate-range nuclear missiles. Assistant Secretary of Defense Richard Perle offered a solution to the dilemma that the administration eventually adopted. S. and Soviet INF. Privately, Perle believed this so-called zero option was unlikely to be accepted by the Soviets.

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