By Reuben Y. Wong
This examine examines the list of French and ecu interactions with China, Japan, and Vietnam within the parts of monetary exchanges, political safety kinfolk, and human rights to set up if there was a pattern of converging "European" politics and collective ecu conceptions of curiosity and id. It argues that the application and influence of ecu associations on French overseas coverage habit is extra major than is often imagined or admitted, and that international regulations of european member states have a tendency over the long run in the direction of convergence.
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Extra info for The Europeanization of French Foreign Policy: France and the EU in East Asia (French Politics, Society and Culture)
20 Along with the US and other Western democracies, France imposed sanctions to “freeze” relations and reduce French diplomatic representation in China. ”21 France also played “the leading role” in cobbling together a list of 10 collective EC sanctions at the EC’s June 1989 Madrid summit, with the 10th (on banning high technology military sales and transfer) added on French insistence (Mengin 1992:48). 22 Encouraged by human rights activists in France, Paris also offered political asylum to the dissident student leaders, gave them a special profile in the bicentennial Bastille Day parade, and allowed them to set up the Federation for Democracy in China, in Paris (Foot 2000:117; Mengin 1992:51–2).
Interests and objectives The concept of the national or state interest, once thought to be the self-evident “general and continuing ends for which a nations acts” (The Brookings Institute 1955:373–375), is today often discredited as a vague and subjective idea with little conceptual clarity or value. Clearly pinning down the idea of national interest in concrete terms and using it in the analysis of foreign policy poses real problems as what politicians and statesmen declare to be the state’s “national interests” are often the shifting, sectoral interests of particular segments (eg.
1 While economic motives have been an important driving force behind French and EU policies (Godement 1995; Wellons 1994; Neves 1995) in the rapidly growing markets of the greater China area, the NIEs and Southeast Asia (at least until the Asian economic crisis of 1997–98), the economic accounts of French/EU relations with East Asia are by themselves inadequate. They obscure a complex relationship that includes contestation over human rights, French arms sales and military cooperation with Taiwan and Singapore, and the appropriate security role the EU (as a whole or represented by individual Member States) plays in East Asia.