By John Robert Ferris
This e-book is a examine of the connections among Britain's overseas, monetary and armed forces guidelines throughout the Eighties, demonstrating that those matters have been heavily similar simply because Britain had to draw a stability among the army forces, which appeared essential to aid its strategic goals, with that power which it appeared in a position to manage to pay for. the writer indicates that the so-called ten 12 months rule and Treasury keep an eye on over the battling prone didn't commence sufficiently to impact British strategic coverage until eventually 1925. He argues that among 1919-1926, Britain didn't stick with a unmarried strategic coverage, yet as an alternative many various ones, and they weren't formulated in a static model yet fairly in a dynamic one. The booklet demands a thorough reaasessment of the perceptions of this serious interval. John Robert Ferris has released many articles on points of British strategic coverage in the course of the Twenties and on British signs intelligence 1898-1946.
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Additional info for The Evolution of British Strategic Policy, 1919–26
General price levels doubled between 1914 and 1919 and fell about 20 per cent by 1922, then remaining constant until1929. The services' estimates moved in direct accordance with general price changes, which did not normally affect their purchasing power. However, some of the reduction in service estimates in 1923-24 was a delayed reaction to the earlier fall in prices and did not actually affect their purchasing power. Conversely, the costs of specialist military equipment increased above general price levels while the services' pay scales of 1919-25 more than doubled those of 1914.
No Cabinet could have accepted these unnecessarily heavy demands. Consequently, the question was how Britain would define its postwar service policies. Churchill wanted to do so through a defence ministry, and Hankey through the CID. 8 However, a temporary alliance of convenience between the Prime Minister and the Treasury provided the final answer. Lloyd George wished to dominate the formulation of all government policy as he had done in 1917-18 through the 'War Cabinet'. In January 1919 he told his Chancellor, Austen Chamberlain, that it would be a 'good thing' if they and their reliable colleagues, Bonar Law and Lord Milner, rather than the Cabinet itself, resolved any 'difficulties' between the Treasury and any department.
Due to delays caused by strikes, the Treasury, and mismanagement by firms or the services themselves, the services often failed to spend up to 10 per cent of their net estimates. Moreover, in 1924-25 a system of 'shadow cuts' was inaugurated, whereby some funds which the services believed they would be able to spend were not included formally in their net estimates. The services would receive these in addition to their net estimates only if they could in fact be spent; otherwise they would revert to the Treasury.