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Osprey Men-at-Arms 293 - Russian Civil War (1) The Red Army by Mikhail Khvostov, Andrei Karachtchouk

By Mikhail Khvostov, Andrei Karachtchouk

The most tool with which the Bolsheviks imposed communism on Russia was once the purple military. routinely the origins of this military have been one of the manufacturing unit staff who laid down their instruments and took up hands as a fashion of expressing their grievances. Already shaped by the point of the revolutions of 1905 and February 1917, those militant staff organised themselves into parliamentary detachments often called the krasnogvardeytsi, or 'Red Guards'. during this first of 2 volumes [see Men-at-Arms 305: White Armies] concentrating on the Russian Civil battle (1917-1923), Mikhail Khvostov examines the purple Army's organization, weaponry, uniforms and insignia.

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In the Seven Years War (1756–63) Russia made an even bigger impact on European minds. Her armies occupied East Prussia, defeated Frederick II’s forces on many occasions, and even briefly captured Berlin. 1 There followed the reign of Catherine II (1762–96) during which Russia’s territory, power and international status grew enormously. Most of the Polish commonwealth as well as huge territories in what we now call southern and eastern Ukraine but which was then known as ‘New Russia’ were annexed.

Napoleon and his army have also retained their fascination for the English-as well as French-speaking public. In any case, most authors cannot be expected to read many languages or consult archives in a range of countries. They expect to draw their information from the research of specialists. As regards Russia’s role in the defeat of Napoleon, this research and these specialists do not exist. No Western professor has ever written a book on the Russian war effort against Napoleon. 2 In many areas of military history the gap left by the universities is filled by army staff colleges.

When I called him a partisan leader, which is exactly what he was for much of 1812–14, she stormed off in disgust. The young student was not at all pro-Communist but she was a product of the Moscow radical-liberal intelligentsia. For her, heroes of 1812 in general and partisans in particular were ‘friends of the people’ and therefore by definition honorary members of her radical political camp and tradition. When it took over the 1812 myth and made it an integral part of Soviet patriotism, the Communist regime to a great extent set such ideas in stone.

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